Saturday, January 23, 2010

IFRI's Energy Editorial: Oil Markets Rangebound ?


William C. RAMSAY

The Energy Editorial, January 2010

http://www.ifri.org/?page=contribution-detail&id=5827


We have heard admonitions about peak oil and that we have already passed the geologic peak of world oil production capacity. On the other hand, the IEA warns that if we continue our present patterns of energy consumption, we will need the equivalent of four Saudi Arabia’s in new oil production capacity by 2030 – seemingly at ease that the oil is geologically out there. Total’s CEO is more precise in suggesting that International Oil Companies have passed the peak in their access to conventional oil reserves. So what’s a guy supposed to think?

Oil prices have fallen, so there is supposedly no incentive to produce. Well, not really, because oil prices, albeit lower than their July 2008 peak of $147/bbl still averaged $62/bbl in 2009 and may struggle to average any less than that in 2010, even assuming bearish fundamentals prevail. There remains plenty of incentive to look for oil.

Just now, OPEC producers have a surplus production capacity of 5.4 mb/d – nearly twice Iran’s exports – and commercial inventories while off slightly are still at 59.1 days of forward consumption. So tightness in the oil market shouldn’t be a source of anxiety for 2010 and maybe a bit longer. This gives a breathing space to reflect on what might be next to stir up oil markets and prices. As in 2008 and early 2009, oil prices seem to be driven as much by exchange rate fluctuations as they are by prompt market fundamentals, but so far, price fluctuations are in a range that seems to fit most everyone. Saudi oil minister Ibrahim Ali al-Naimi remarked at the end of the recent OPEC session that prices just now are excellent. Producers and consumers have found convergence on an apparently satisfactory level of oil prices without even trying.

Security flare-ups can never be predicted, but for the moment Nigerian rebels in the Delta are still exchanging arms for cash – perhaps to buy better arms, but we’ll see. Iran continues to provoke the world with its apparent nuclear weapons intent, but there appears little appetite for muscular sanctions that could disrupt oil commerce.

Copenhagen surely does not bring much of a frisson to oil producers or other fossil fuel producers as the length of the de-carbonization path is now more apparent as the rhetoric of aggressive targetry fades.

The greatest uncertainty is probably the rate of economic recovery around the world. It is clearly going to be uneven, but the most probable scenario will lead to continuing modest decline in OECD oil consumption with whatever growth there is taking place outside OECD. Brazil, Russia, India and China alone have accounted for 60% of oil demand growth over the last decade. Most analysts put demand growth in 2010 at around 1.0 mb/d – no cause for concern. However, we suffered a demand shock in 2004 because we treated China like a black box. With only marginally greater transparency now, China could still surprise us again.

On the supply side we hear news stories of the major finds in Brazil’s deepwater pre-salt province. These kinds of discoveries should not happen very often, but against all the odds, they keep happening. New discoveries off the coast of Ghana, even a couple of billion barrels in Uganda – leave the impression the supply crunch is not here yet. In fact, the recent round of bidding on Iraqi fields suggest relatively easy incremental volumes of from 2.5 mb/d to 4.5 mb/d by 2016 – if companies are secure enough to work in Iraq. For those who remain convinced that the United States of America invaded Iraq to secure its oil resources for itself – your silence after the Iraqi announcements is deafening. Angola’s production aspirations, notwithstanding membership in a supply management club, will also provide more limited incremental volumes. Supply looks pretty good for the medium term. So another reason for relative calm?

Energy wallahs warn that deeper analysis reveals the same incipient supply crunch driven more by depletion than by growth, but timing may be later. Copenhagen was not what many hoped, but it may well have been the end of the beginning. Many things make 2010 capable of being the year the world gets serious and focussed about the threat of climate change.

For those who are inclined to complacency in view of the fairly comforting nature of the short and medium term oil markets – these are the occasions of the most unpleasant surprise. Watch this space.

Empty Pipelines Summit

Source: Strategic Culture Foundation

Link: http://en.fondsk.ru/article.php?id=2712

21.01.2010
Igor TOMBERG

It is getting increasingly difficult to route energy supplies around Russia as the resource base available to feed the fourth energy transit corridor is rapidly shrinking.....

http://peakoil.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=54212

The January 14-15 energy summit in Batumi, Georgia got downgraded from the outset to the level of an ordinary forum. It was expected on the eve of the event that the presidents of Georgia, Poland, Ukraine and Azerbaijan as well as Baltic leaders, United States Secretary of State for Eurasian Energy R. Morningstar, and high-ranking representatives of Romania, Bulgaria, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan would take part, but the leaders of the countries did not bother to show up. Instead, the gathering was mostly attended by prime ministers, energy ministers, and foreign ministers.

Traditionally, representatives of Russia ignore the Batumi forum due to its focus on charting routes for supplying energy to Europe that would bypass Russia. Moreover, as Georgian energy minister A. Khetaguri promised this time, the forum would nothing less than pass a presidential-level declaration on the principles of gas supply to West Europe. In other words, in Batumi countries most of which play minimal roles in the energy sphere somehow intended to formulate the principles of energy supply to the world's larges fuel market.

As before, discussions at the forum revolved around lessening West Europe's dependence on energy supplies from Russia and linking the energy-rich Caspian region to the EU without resorting to Russia's pipeline network. The plan amounts to the development of the so-called Fourth South Energy Transit Corridor. The construction of the Nabucco gas pipeline and the Odessa-Brody-Plotsk oil pipeline as well as the potential resources to be fed to them were examined in the context of the above objectives. A lot of time was also spent on the brainchild of the previous Batumi forums – the totally mythical White Stream gas pipeline project. The latter is a priority on the agenda of the Caspian-Black Sea-Baltic energy transit space. Constructing the White Stream pipeline underneath the Black Sea was supposed to be the main energy project of the anti-Russian GUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova) bloc. Designed as an alternative to Nabucco, White Stream is to pump natural gas from the Caspian region to Ukraine and further to Romania, from where it can be marketed to Europe. Gas is to be transited to Supsa (Georgia) via the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum pipeline and then to Romania via a pipeline to be constructed beneath the bottom of the Black Sea. Georgian energy ministry set the pipeline throughput to make 8 bcm a year initially and to reach 24-32 bcm annually upon the linking the White Stream to Central Asian gas reserves.

One of the ideas touted as a breakthrough at the Batumi meeting was to construct natural gas liquefaction facilities in Georgian seaports which would have to be connected to the already functioning Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum pipeline. The initiators of the projects claim that the construction of liquefaction facilities in Supsa, Batumi, and Kulevi and of a link between them and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum pipeline would make it possible to supply liquefied gas to global markets by tankers with minimal risks for the producers.

All of the projects are premised in the assumption that vast hydrocarbon reserves necessary to provide workloads for them actually exist. The only countries sitting on natural gas reserves to join the forum were Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan. No doubt, they are interested in reaching the European market, but it is clear that throughout the past couple of years the overall situation held no promise for the Batumi projects.

The reduction of gas demand in the EU caused by the crisis was so serious that the feasibility of any new gas supply routes – especially ones as exotic as White Stream - comes into question. The average gas demand drop in the EU countries in 2009 was 5-7%, which was the greatest contraction on record. The only reason why Russia's energy giant Gazprom managed to limit the decrease in its sales to Europe to 10.3% instead of 20% as earlier projected was that the “take or pay” concept was built into its long-term contracts. Under the circumstances, only Russia's South Stream project may be credited with some viability, and even this is due to the potential for getting rid of the unreliable Ukrainian gas transit rather than to any chances to export greater volumes of gas. Aware of the uncertainty on the European gas market, the participants of the Batumi forum did mention South Stream in their declaration, but only in the sense that the project in which Russia, Italy, and South European countries are keenly interested affects the economic and environment-related interests of the countries not involved in it. Expert from the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies A. Kurtov says Turkey – the country whose politics is increasingly diverging with the EU guidelines - is the country most likely to come under pressure in this connection. The same day the forum opened in Batumi, Turkish and Russian prime ministers R. Erdogan and V. Putin met and reached what Gazprom spokesman S. Kupriyanov described as a basic agreement that Turkish companies would join the ranks of such strategic partners of Russia as Germany and Italy.

Even in case the gas demand rebounds (which is too early to expect so far), alternative gas supply routes to Europe circumventing Russia would lack the natural gas needed to provide workloads for the corresponding pipelines. For example, Brussels' beloved Nabucco project is growing increasingly unrealistic due to the problem.

The plan to find the gas reserves necessary for the functioning of Nabucco are evidently running into major roadblocks. Recently Russia's Nezavisimaya Gazeta cited Azerbaijani Oil Studies Center Director Ilham Shaban as saying that for the first time in its independent history in 2009 Azerbaijan encountered certain problems exporting natural gas. He said last year the Russian-Ukrainian conflict over gas transit compelled the West to turn to Azerbaijan, but no plans were put into practice due to the failure to agree on the gas transit from the country to Europe across Turkey. Shaban said the Nabucco theme was also invoked a number of times in 2009 but now it seems that the project pretty much sank into oblivion, and instead Azerbaijan signed two gas supply contracts – with Russia and with Iran. Shaban stressed that doubts persist over the potential of the Western direction of Azerbaijan's gas export. As the result, gas production in Azerbaijan is growing at a declining rate, the Sahkh Deniz project being the one hit most by the tendency. Azerbaijan for a number of years postponed sanctioning the second phase of the project supposed to ensure the export output of 16 bcm of natural gas.

Disappointed over the dire prospects for exporting gas to the West without the involvement of Russia, Baku opened the second phase of its program of gas export routes diversification. On January 1, Russia became the third country (following Turkey and Georgia) to start buying natural gas from Azerbaijan. Gazprom signed a contract for 2010-2014 with the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan in October, 2009. Its initial version set the sales volume at less than 500 bcm annually, but recently the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan agreed to double the amount. As a parallel process, Baku is talking to Tehran over a contract to sell 500 bcm of natural gas to Iran.

The hope that Nabucco would tap into Turkmenistan's gas reserves was practically dispelled over the past several weeks. Turkmen policy of export diversification is clearly eastbound and not intended to accommodate European energy security problems. There are three directions of Turkmen gas export. A pipeline linking Turkmen gas fields to China was inaugurated in December, 2009. The second Turkmenistan-Iran pipeline was launched this January. Finally, also this January Turkmenistan resumed supplying gas to Russia. On the whole, Turkmenistan's gas export is going to total over 90 bcm. The country's domestic consumption is estimated at 20 bcm. Turkmenistan claims that its natural gas production potential massively exceeds the resulting 110 bcm, but the truth is that even the 1991 level of 76 bcm has not been reached over the past 15 years. Moreover, Turkmenistan sharply reduced production last year following the freeze of the export to Russia and switched some 150 wells to the dormant regime. There is consensus among experts that the country will restore the 2008 production level only by 2013 or even later. Currently Turkmenistan produces 70 bcm of gas and 10 mln tons of oil annually.

Even in case reliable audit confirms that Turkmenistan's gas reserves are as huge as it claims, it must be taken into account that there exist serious technological barriers in the way of the county's ambitious export plans. Chances are Turkmenistan is indeed able to boost production, but 75% of its gas contain condensate and heavy components and cannot be fed to supply networks without processing. The processing capacities in Turkmenistan make some 85 bcm annually, which is clearly the bottleneck of the export program.

Even the above elementary analysis shows that the endless talk about Nabucco is pointless. On top of that, the investment aspect of the project is unclear, and the unresolved status of the Caspian Sea is the major formal obstacle in the way of constructing the Trans-Caspian pipeline necessary to pump gas out of Turkmenistan. The launch of the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Kazakhstan-China pipeline sent a wave of doubts concerning the availability of Turkmenistan's resources across the EU. An unnamed European Commission officer told Nezavisimaya Gazeta on January 17 that the EU missed the moment when the access to the Turkmen gas could be secured and that Beijing outpaced Brussels in this regard.

Nevertheless, the impression is that too many players are eager to capitalize politically – and not only politically - on the theme of diversifying away from Russia in the energy sphere. «There is room for confidence that Nabucco will continue to dominate the conferences and workshop of the Caspian chattering class - but will it ever be built?», said William C. Ramsay, Director of the IFRI Energy Program.

Planned as a summit, the Batumi forum materialized as yet another expert round table that produced no considerable results. Vremya Novostey cited Georgian political analyst I. Khindrava as saying that there were no decision-makers among the forum participants, its format was mainly consultative, and the question was what prevailed – energy or politics. Truly speaking, energy had nothing to do with it while – as during the past forums – politics totally dominated the discourse. Consequently, the forum's decisions are bound to remain on paper.
_______________________
Igor TOMBERG is the Director of Energy and Transit Studies Center of the Institute for Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Science and professor at the Moscow State Foreign Relations Institute of the Russian Foreign Ministry

Wednesday, January 20, 2010

Russia Seeks To Develop Far East; Invites U.S. Role



Russia Seeks To Develop Far East;Invites U.S. Role

by Rachel Douglas


Jan. 8—"Dreams of travelling from London to New York by train were evoked last night after one of Russia's most powerful men pledged a crucial tunnel linking his country to North America would be 'feasible' within 10 years," began the Dec. 20 London Sunday Express report of an interview with Russian Railways President Vladimir Yakunin (see the Editorial in EIR, Dec. 25, 2009). The Express report on Yakunin's vision bears repeating:

"Vladimir Yakunin, the president of state-run Russian Railways and Prime Minister Putin's closest confidant, said his ambition was to connect more than half the planet by train." He said American investors had already approached him about boring a 64-mile tunnel under the famous Bering Sea that separates Asia and North America. "With new rail links planned through Alaska and eastern Russia, the tunnel would help enable freight and passenger trains to run from the U.S. to London on uninterrupted tracks.... Yakunin said he had been negotiating with potential partners from around the world to trigger a 'renaissance of railways.' "

Commenting on the Yakunin statement, Lyndon LaRouche said it represents an obvious extension of what must be done, in the aftermath of the defeat of the British imperial agenda at the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference. "Such a worldwide rail link," LaRouche said, "running from Eurasia to Africa, through Europe, and into North and South America, would define a new conception of cooperation among sovereign nation-states. It would represent one global economic process which would be a giant step toward solving the present crisis of humanity. What we are looking at, with the moves toward upgrading of cooperation between China, Russia, India, and the United States, is a real global reform. It is a revolution in economy and statecraft. We will be uniting continents in the common economic interest of nation states. This is the real alternative to globalization."

An Invitation to the U.S.A.

A review of late-2009 government documents and press from Russia's Far East regions demonstrates that officials there are indeed planning for the Bering Strait crossing. The review by EIR also highlights that Russian leaders are eager for the United States to join in the real physical economic development of the country's northeastern frontier.

The invitation to invest in the Far East, and not only for oil and gas extraction, was clearly stated by a Kremlin representative to the Russian-American Pacific Ocean Partnership (RAPOP) forum, held on Sakhalin Island, at the end of September. That event took place in the same time frame as LaRouche's Oct. 10 address on the urgency of Four-Power (U.S.A., Russia, China, and India) cooperation to initiate a new world credit system, delivered to the 7th Dialogue of Civilizations conference in Rhodes, Greece, which Yakunin co-hosted, and the following week's breakthrough agreements between Russia and China. Signed Oct. 13, during Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's visit to Beijing, the Russian-Chinese package includes Chinese direct investment in Russian high-speed rail lines and port infrastructure in the Far East.

The 14th annual RAPOP forum was held Sept. 29-30, 2009, in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, capital of the island Sakhalin Region, off the Pacific coast of the Russian mainland, and north of the archipelago which is Japan. Under the headline "Investment Projects in the Far East Can Breathe New Life into Russian-American Relations," a Sept. 30 Federal Press (fedpress.ru) wire reported statements made there by Alexander Levintal, Russia's deputy presidential representative to the Far East Federal District, who enunciated the invitation to the United States and American businesses to be part of Russia's economic development of the Far East region and Siberia.

Levintal said that Sakhalin oil and gas projects have kept some level of Russian-American economic engagement going in the Far East (an Exxon subsidiary operates the Sakhalin-1 offshore project), but now, wrote Fedpress.ru: "He said this cooperation can achieve a qualitatively new level through the participation of American business and investments in the major investment projects, being implemented under the government strategy for developing the Far East of the Russian Federation. 'Investments of $8 billion annually are going into development of the Far East, but American investments are mere hundreds of millions of dollars. This is not the proper level for cooperation between our countries.'

" 'We have a historic opportunity to change the situation which has taken shape over the recent period, and to breathe new life into the RAPOP. American business could invest not only in hydrocarbon extraction, but also aircraft and shipbuilding, space programs (Cosmodrome Vostochny is planned for construction in the Far East), telecommunications, and so forth,' stated Levintal." Vostochny, meaning "eastern," is the name of the new space launch facility Russia is building on the site of the former military site, Cosmodrome Svobodny (see EIR, Sept. 28, 2007, "Space Industry Cluster in Russia's Amur Region," for a Russian presentation of the full potential of this project, given at a Schiller Institute conference on the Eurasian Land-Bridge).

The potential of these industries, Fedpress.ru quoted Levintal as saying, could "breathe new life into the development of Russian-American cooperation in the Far East of the Russian Federation, using the unique opportunity of the restart, declared by the Presidents of the U.S.A. and Russia, with a new content.' "

Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov also attended the RAPOP meeting of 100 government, business, and academic people from seven western U.S. states and eleven eastern Russian regions. From the U.S. side, Levintal's speech was also heard by Kyle Scott, who is director of the Russia Department at the State Department, and a Department of Commerce representative, as well as Thomas Armbruster, the American Consul General in Vladivostok.

Sakhalin Gov. Alexander Khoroshavin delivered a similar message to Armbruster in a separate meeting, according to a Sept. 29 Interfax-Dalny Vostok dispatch, headlined "Sakhalin Governor Proposes to American Business To Invest Money Not Solely in Developing Sakhalin Shelf Projects."

In November, Khoroshavin happens also to have met with Russian Railways head Yakunin, during a visit by the latter to Khabarovsk. A press release from the governor's office said that Yakunin had pledged to support the Sakhalin government in promoting the project of a multimodal bridge or tunnel connection between Sakhalin and the mainland. On Dec. 18, Russian Presidential Representative for the Far East Federal District Victor Ishayev (the former Khabarovsk governor, who, in November of 2000, sponsored a report on the need for government-sponsored infrastructure projects to kick-start the Russian economy) told reporters that he, too, advocates the Sakhalin-mainland tunnel project as "economically beneficial and appropriate." Said Ishayev, "This simply has to happen," adding that the main highway from Khabarovsk city to Khabarovsk Territory's ports of Vanino and Sovetskaya Gavan should also be extended to Sakhalin.

Ishayev went on to call for pursuing the additional project to link Sakhalin with Hokkaido, Japan, as well as with the mainland, by full rail connection, which "will make it possible to attract Japanese freight being shipped to Europe and Asia." It is on Ishayev's staff that RAPOP speaker Levintal works.

Eastern Regions Plan for Bering Strait Railroad

The Magadan Region, famous for its gold mines and brutal prison camps in the mid-20th Century, is situated on Russia's Pacfic Coast—north of Khabarovsk Territory and south of Chukotka, the province on the western side of the Bering Sea. The Territorial Planning Scheme for Magadan Region, publicized Sept. 9 by the Advis.ru agency, includes the Bering Strait project as follows:

"The Magadan Region Territorial Planning Scheme takes into account the strategy for the development of both the Far East and Russia [as a whole]. It includes, for example, such a 'megaproject' as the Transcontinental Railway BAM-Yakutsk-Uelen [where BAM stands for Baikal-Amur Mainline], with a line through Magadan Region and a tunnel across the Bering Strait to Alaska—a project which has been included in the Russian Federation Transport Strategy for the Period to 2030, and which is viewed by the Russian and U.S. Governments as the greatest infrastructure project of the 21st century. In the long term, completion of this Transcontinental Railway to Alaska will make it possible to diversify the raw-materials orientation of the Magadan Region's economy, with the creation in the city of Magadan of a new, multimodal transportation node, through which freight flows connecting Canada and the U.S.A. with the Pacific nations will pass. This means the railway, first and foremost, but also a role for Magadan Region in a Transarctic Air Corridor, connecting America, Southeast Asia, and Australia by the shortest routes; and it means the development and rebirth of the importance of the Port of Magadan on the Sea of Okhotsk."

On Dec. 25, Yakutia24.ru carried a year-end feature on the operations of the Republic Investment Company (RIK) of Yakutia-Sakha Republic, the huge East Siberian region which reaches up to the Arctic Ocean, based on an interview with its director Alexander Fedotov. It reported that the first leg of the planned northern rail line, the segment from the existing BAM up to the city of Yakutsk, is already under construction:

"The RIK [in 2009] spent almost half the funds they invested—10 billion 535.4 million rubles [about $350 million], to be precise—on a project of strategic importance not for our republic alone: construction of the railroad line Berkakit-Tommot-Yakutsk. Despite the world crisis and other upheavals, the builders have already laid 266 km of track, built 45 railroad bridges, moved [about 29] thousand cubic meters of earth for the roadbed, and cut 2564.6 hectares of right-of-way through the forest."

RIK's total investment in this part of the project will be 14.8 billion rubles out of the 49.4 billion rubles cost of construction. The RIK also financed design development for the rail bridge across the Lena River. The bridge itself will cost 50 billion rubles and be financed under the federal program Development of the Russian Transport System.

The Yakutia24.ru article continues, "As is well known, the Strategy for the Social and Economic Development of the Far East and Baikal Region to 2050 calls for construction of the railroad to continue in the direction Yakutsk (Nizhny Bestyakh)-Moma-Magadan.... And then the idea of building an underwater tunnel across the Bering Strait in the not too distant future already seems less fantastical. At a certain point, it will suddenly become clear that our Yakutsk is sitting on the most economically advantageous route from Europe to America. And among those who will have brought this almost unbelievable moment closer, with their labor, the Republic Investment Company will have to be counted."

Even in the area of recreational adventure trips and among car enthusiasts, the reality of the Bering Strait rail line is catching on. The Russian auto site Kolesa.ru carries a press release announcing a new type of snow tire: "The Cordiant Polar 2 has been chosen by the organizers of the Polar Ring expedition for use on the fourth leg of the expedition, which will take place between the end of 2009 and 2011. The route of this leg of the polar expedition traces that of the future major railway line from the banks of the Lena River to the Chukotka village of Uelen on the coast of the Bering Strait: Yakutsk-Pravaya Lena-Zyryanka-Uelen, and then will cross the Bering Strait, pass along the coastline of the Alaska and Canada archipelago and end at the Canadian village of Resolute Bay."

Putin Visits the Far East

Prime Minister Putin was back in the Far East at the end of the year, on a two-day visit to the Vladivostok region, to discuss key economic development sectors. He first went to Nakhodka, northeast of Vladivostok, to launch the East Siberia-Pacific Ocean (ESPO) oil pipeline system, at the oil-loading Pacific seaport Kozmino. Putin then led a meeting on regional development, with a focus on Russian shipbuilding projects in two Primorye port cities, based on cooperation with South Korean and Singaporean companies.

The ESPO system is being built to ship oil from western and eastern Siberian fields, to the Far East and Asia Pacific. The first stage of the project, the 2,500-km Tayshet-to-Skovorodino pipeline (inside Siberia) and the Kozmino port, have been completed on schedule, despite the economic crisis. The new oil terminal will export oil to Japan, China, and Korea. Currently, oil is being shipped from Skovorodino to the port by rail, until the final sections of the pipeline are completed in the coming years.

On Dec. 29, Putin took part in the launch ceremony of the Sollers auto assembly plant in Vladivostok. The plant, a joint project of Russia, Italy, Japan, and South Korea, will produce cars, RVs, and SUVs, as well as a variety of heavy-duty, construction-related vehicles, including dump trucks, tractor trucks, and concrete mixer trucks for the Russian Far East and the Pacific Rim region market.

Monday, January 18, 2010

Obushma authorizes covert economic war against Venezuela


Obushma authorizes covert economic war against Venezuela

WMR's intelligence sources have reported that the Obama administration has authorized an economic war against Venezuela in order to destabilize the government of President Hugo Chavez. After a successful coup against Chavez ally, President Manuel Zelaya of Honduras, and the very thin 51-49 percent electoral win by Chile's billionaire right-winger Sebastian Pinera on January 17, a buoyed Obama White House has given a green light for political operatives in Venezuela, many of whom operate under the cover of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), to set the stage for massive street demonstrations to protest Chavez's devaluation of the bolivar, Venezuela's currency.

Chavez devalued the bolivar by fifty percent to make Venezuelan oil exports less expensive thus boosting revenue for his country. However, the devaluation has also seen price rises and inflation in Venezuela and the CIA and its subservient NGOs have wasted little time in putting out stories about consumers rushing to the stories ahead of an increase in consumer products, with imported flat-screen televisions being the favorite consumer item being hyped by the corporate media as seeing a huge price increase and long lines at shopping malls favored by the Venezuelan elites.

The state has exempted certain consumer goods such as food, medicines, school supplies, and industrial machinery from being affected by the bolivar's devaluation through a different exchange rate and price controls, but it is the price increases on televisions, tobacco, alcohol, cell phones, and computers that has the anti-Chavez forces in Venezuela and abroad hyping the ill-effects on the Venezuelan consumer.

To battle against businessmen who are trying to capitalize on the devaluation of the bolivar, Chavez has threatened to close and possibly seize any business that gouges the consumer by inordinately raising prices. The first target of a temporary closure was a Caracas store owned by the French firm Exito.

International investment analysts praised Chavez's decision to devalue the bolivar and said the decision was overdue considering the fall of oil prices worldwide. However, the CIA and NGOs, many aligned with George Soros's Open Society Institute and the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy are planning large street demonstrations against Chavez's handling of the economy. National Assembly elections are scheduled for September but the Obama administration has decided that if Chavez can be removed now, his allies in Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay, and some Caribbean island states will quickly abandon Chavez's alternative to American-led Western Hemisphere financial contrivances and free trade pacts, the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA). The Obama planners then see Cuba, once again, being isolated in the hemisphere and ripe for increased U.S. political pressure. Cuba was placed on the list of 14 countries requiring additional airline passenger screening as part of the policy to pressure and isolate Cuba. There is a possibility that with the outbreak of U.S.-inspired violence on the streets of Venezuela, that nation could join Cuba on the list as the 15th country.

The Obama administration's assault is two-fold: economic and political. Pressure is being applied against the gasoline chain Citgo, which is owned by the Venezuelan state oil company, PDVSA, and Venezuelan investment favorability ratings. Politically, the U.S. is overtly and covertly funneling money to anti-Chavez groups through the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and groups affiliated with George Soros.

There is also a small military component to Obama's strategy of undermining Chavez. U.S., P-3 Orion overflights of Venezuelan airspace from bases in Aruba and Curacao are designed to intimidate Chavez and activate Venezuelan radar and command, control, communications, and intelligence (C3I) systems to gather electronic and signals intelligence data that would be used by the United States to jam Venezuelan military networks in the event of a U.S.-inspired surprising against Chavez by U.S. loyalists embedded in the Venezuelan military, police, PDVSA, and media. The U.S. is also stoking cross-border incursions into Venezuela by Colombian paramilitaries to gauge Venezuela's border defenses. Last November, Colombian right-wing paramilitary units killed two Venezuelan National Guardsmen inside Venezuela in Tachira state. Weapons caches maintained by Colombians inside Venezuela have been seized by Venezuelan authorities. Venezuela has also arrested a number of Colombian DAS intelligence agents inside Venezuela.

Obama signed a military agreement with Colombia that allows the United States to establish seven air and naval bases in Colombia. An additional agreement by Obama with Panama will see the U.S. military return to that nation to set up two military bases.

It is estimated that some 25 percent of Venezuelans are likely Fifth Columnists who would take part in a revolt against Chavez. Many of based in the Venezuelan oil-producing state of Zulia and the capital of Maracaibo, where successive U.S. ambassadors in Caracas have stoked secessionist embers and where the CIA and U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency have concentrated much of their efforts. In November, Venezuelan police arrested in Maracaibo, Magaly Janeth Moreno Vega, also known as "The Pearl," the leader of the right-wing United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), which has been directly linked to Colombia's pro-U.S. President Alvaro Uribe and members of his government, including former Colombian attorney general Luis Camilo Osorio Isaza, appointed by Uribe as Colombia's ambassador to Mexico.

Saturday, January 16, 2010

Moscow and Ankara Strengthen Ties


By Tom Balmforth
SOURCE: Russia Profile

As Moscow and Ankara Strengthen Ties Through Energy Cooperation, Could Turkey Become the Fifth Country to Recognize the Independence of Abkhazia?

The two prime ministers’ meeting in Ankara yesterday resulted in a flurry of promises on energy cooperation between Russia and Turkey, signaling that the countries are getting closer in their partnership. Afterward, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said that Moscow would soon get the go-ahead to build a section of the South Stream gas pipeline on Turkish territory. His Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan revealed that Russia would soon gain a prime position in Turkey’s nuclear energy sector. Is this a big step for today’s Turkey-Russia partnership, and could it mean game, set and match for the rival Nabucco pipeline?

On November 10 Russia will receive official permission from Ankara to build the South Stream gas pipeline in Turkish waters in the Black Sea, Putin said after his meeting with Erdogan. South Stream is “very important not only for Turkey, but also for the entire continent,” said Russia’s prime minister. The arrangement marks the latest in a series of victories for the Russia-backed project over its EU-led rival, Nabucco, which seeks to diversify the sources of gas delivered to Europe while undermining Russia’s much cherished monopoly of supply.

Ankara has always cautiously backed both Nabucco as well as South Stream. So has Turkey now decided to cooperate closer with Russia and back South Stream? Some think so. The Kommersant daily yesterday quoted Gazprom officials as saying that Turkey could join Italy and Germany as Russia’s “strategic partner.” Italy’s ENI is co-funding the South Stream project, and Germany late last year gave its final approval for Nord Stream, sparking discontent on behalf of its east European neighbors. A Polish minister once compared the Russia-Germany Nord Stream project to the Molotov-Ribbentropp pact, because the pipeline allows Russia to continue delivering gas to Western Europe while still able to “turn off the taps” to Ukraine.

The tone of yesterday’s meeting did certainly hint at a closer Russia-Turkey relationship. Erdogan said that Russia’s AtomStroiExport was close to being contracted to build Turkey’s first nuclear power plant. The two prime ministers voiced hopes that Russia-Turkey trade would triple by 2015, having reached $33 billion (990 billion rubles) in 2008. And they announced plans to sign in a visa-free regime by May of this year. “In the end, without doubt, [a visa-free regime] will lead to activating cooperation between our countries,” said Erdogan.

But, of course, not all is quite so rosy. Chirvani Abdoullaev, the chief analyst for gas and oil at Alfabank, said there were still two potential points of difference. First of all, the end objectives of Moscow and Ankara in the energy sphere are not entirely compatible. As a country keen to become a hub for gas and oil, Turkey seeks diversity of supply, which runs counter to Russia’s aim of maintaining its monopoly of supply over Europe. “Turkey needs diversity of supplies to keep energy prices reasonably low and competitive, and in this sense Turkey and Russia differ in how they approach the natural gas issue,” said Abdoullaev.

Secondly, the entire rationale of South Stream, a pillar of the stronger Russia-Turkey relationship, could soon be brought into question. Russia has always blamed President Viktor Yushchenko’s Ukraine for the irregularities in gas supply to Europe caused by the Russia-Ukraine “gas wars.” Russia has therefore pushed hard for South Stream as an alternative, delivering Russian gas to Europe while bypassing Ukraine. However, a change of leadership in Ukraine now looks extremely likely. The first round of Ukraine’s presidential elections is slated for January 17, and the clear frontrunners, Yulia Tymoshenko and Viktor Yanukovich, both have much better relations with Moscow than Ukraine’s unpopular incumbent. So if the post-election Russia-Ukraine relationship blossoms, South Stream could suddenly lose its appeal. “If you can transport gas through Ukraine without a problem and it’s a stable regime… then most of these other projects, which were motivated by trying to avoid third party transit (Ukraine owns its transit network), these projects may not be needed,” said Abdoullaev.

But Alexander Rahr, the program director of Russia and Eurasia at the German Council on Foreign Relations, remains skeptical that the elections will improve the Russia-Ukraine relations. “I don’t expect this to be the result, even if Yanukovich wins,” said Rahr. “The problem is not the personalities in Ukraine; the problem is that Ukraine desperately needs the transit fees from Russian gas in order to survive as a state. Under every leadership, Ukraine will try to make use of its geographical position and the Russians realized this some time ago. This is why they desperately need a way to circumvent Ukraine,” said Rahr.

Turkey is therefore of crucial importance to Russia. And the potential for a strong relationship goes beyond just the realms of energy cooperation. Rahr suggested there were hopes in Moscow that Turkey could become the fifth country to recognize the breakaway republic of Abkhazia. Turkey’s official recognition of the South Caucasian republic would be a big victory for Russian foreign policy - the little-known South Pacific island of Nauru, populated by a meager 11,000 proud Nauruans, was the last country to do so, allegedly in return for Russia providing it with $50 million (150 million rubles) of humanitarian aid. “If any Western country is going to recognize the independence of Abkhazia, it will be Turkey because of a large Abkhazian diaspora there,” said Rahr.

So could relations flourish into a “strategic partnership” based on energy cooperation? “I think there is substance behind this - Russia wants to make Turkey its energy bridge to the west and exclude Ukraine from having this role. I am guessing that Russia is offering much more for this than we actually think,” said Rahr. Yesterday Russia did not quite get the green light to build the Turkish part of South Stream, but it got a promise. And simultaneously, Turkish-Russia relations seem to be making strides. “Turkey is playing a cautious game – it is trying to keep its options open,” said Abdoullaev. But sooner or later, it will have to make a decision.

Friday, January 15, 2010

Saudi Arabia and the oil bank


Saudi Arabia and the oil bank
By Chris Cook

As crude oil prices climbed back over US$80.00 per barrel during 2009 - after the dramatic spike to $147 and subsequent collapse to $35 - United States politicians and regulators were in no doubt as to who to blame.

They accused "speculators" such as exchange traded funds (ETFs) and hedge funds of manipulating oil prices through the use of futures and options contracts on the dominant exchanges - the New York Mercantile Exchange and the Intercontinental
Exchange - and also off exchange, through bilateral over-the-counter (OTC) contracts.

But the truth lies elsewhere.

Introducing oil leasing
In 2005, Shell had a brainwave. It agreed with ETF Securities - a provider of exchange traded funds - that a new oil fund could invest directly in Shell's oil production. Whereas most ETFs that are exposed to the oil price use the oil futures markets, this initiative cut out the middlemen and all of the costs associated with maintaining a position in a futures market over time.

The outcome was that Shell borrowed dollars from the fund, while the fund borrowed, or leased, oil from Shell through forward sale agreements or otherwise. Everything was, and remains, above board and relatively transparent; but this innovative form of financial oil leasing appears to have been turned to other uses by other market participants.

Macro manipulation
Simply stated, producers have an interest in high prices. Cartels of producers have therefore often been created to openly manipulate prices by artificially supporting them. A classic example was the International Tin Council, which supported the tin price by buying tin - and stockpiling it - if and when the price fell to its "floor" price. Unfortunately, the high prices stimulated new production; eventually the ITC ran out of money; and the tin price collapsed in 1985.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Yasuo Hamanaka, a Japanese copper trader acting for Sumitomo Corporation, successfully manipulated the copper market not only for five years before someone blew the whistle, but even for another five years afterwards. The mechanism used was for investment banks to lend dollars to Sumitomo, which in return loaned copper through forward sales on the London Metal Exchange.

The only way to manipulate commodity prices is through the ability to secure supply. In the oil markets, funds, whether ETFs or hedge funds, are categorically unable to make or take delivery of the underlying commodity, and are therefore unable to manipulate the price. It is only "end user" producers and distributors, or the few traders with the capability to make and take delivery, who are in a position to manipulate oil prices, and in order to do so they require funding, or leverage.

I believe that it is macro manipulation by oil producers, funded by cheap money from investors, which has been the principal reason for recent movements in the oil price. The advantage producers have over oil traders is that producers are able to store their oil in the ground for free.

The Brent complex
More than 60% of global oil production is priced against the price of the United Kingdom's North Sea Brent, Forties, Oseberg, Ekofisk (BFOE) quality crude oil. Most of the rest is priced against the US West Texas Intermediate (WTI) price, but in the past 10 years, the WTI price has increasingly become the tail on the BFOE dog through "arbitrage" trading.

In order to support the global oil price, it would be necessary to secure supply through acquiring sufficient amounts of BFOE crude oil lifted each month. By the standards of the relatively few major market participants involved in the market, this is easily achievable if the funding is available.

As the credit crunch unfolded from late 2007, fund money began to pour into existing and new ETFs.

The zero bound
As short-term dollar interest rates fell to zero - "the zero bound" - investors switched their dollars into other assets, and particularly commodities, which also carry zero income, but which at least have intrinsic value, unlike the dollar or indeed any other "fiat" currency. We therefore saw simultaneous spikes in the oil markets, agricultural markets and metals markets - spikes that had nothing whatever to do with underlying supply and demand.

These rises in price continued until the destruction of demand created surpluses beyond global storage capacity, and prices thereupon collapsed as the bubble of leverage funded by investors deflated. The oil price collapsed to about $35 per barrel, and since short-term interest rates remained at 0%, the conditions were ripe for a repeat.

Banking on oil
What follows is necessarily speculative in the absence of hard evidence, but in my opinion, the 2008 "spike" was driven by one or more major commercial oil producers leasing and hence monetizing oil stored in the ground to one or more investment banks. In return, the banks collected and deployed fund money through opaque structured finance products or otherwise. Liberal helpings of hype in relation to oil shortages helped to inflate and support the market price.

In the course of a two-hour meeting in London in 2004, Kazempour Ardebili - who by then had been the Iranian representative at the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) for some 18 years - explained that for almost all of that time he had been advocating an OPEC bank and an OPEC investment institution, but that this had never found favor with the Saudis.

Moreover, he looked back with nostalgia on the long periods of stability that pre-dated the development of the current market pricing structure. He pointed out that while high oil prices were in producers' interests, wild price swings destroyed Iran's ability to budget and invest.

The oil market in 2009 saw a rapid re-inflation from $35 to around $70 per barrel and the price has for several months been relatively stable within a range of $75 to $85. Commentators have suggested that perhaps $50 of that price is accounted for by supply and demand, while the balance is purely financially related.

It appears to me that Saudi Arabia - its participation is essential - could currently be playing the role of a central bank whose currency is crude oil, backed by the country's reserves of crude oil in the ground. Through extremely opaque market interventions by investment banking intermediaries, they could lend oil to the market - financial oil leasing - against dollar loans from investors in oil, and buy back their forward sales of crude oil in order to support the oil price within their chosen parameters.

The outcome - which has the effect of monetizing oil in the ground - is very similar to the way in which some governments maintain their currency more or less pegged to the US dollar and illustrates the reality that oil is not priced in dollars: dollars are priced in oil.

Whether or not it is in fact, as I suspect, macro manipulation by producers that accounts for movements in the prices of crude oil and oil products, and the flows and storage of crude oil and oil products, is a judgement I must leave to expert traders. But I am absolutely certain that the "speculator" investors blamed by US politicians and public for the movements in oil prices are not in fact responsible.

Unstable equilibrium
The oil market has been swinging dramatically between a lower boundary price, where an excess of supply means that, in a "buyer's market", sellers compete for sales, and the upper boundary of a "seller's market" price, where demand destruction kicks in.

According to an OPEC spokesman, the current market price is "perfect". If it is the case that the price is being financially supported at the "upper bound" within tighter pricing levels, then this is a fundamentally unstable position, where increasing supply of crude oil, or falling demand for products, would lead to a collapse - due to de-leveraging - similar to that in the tin market in 1985, and indeed, of the 2008 spike.

Although the interests of consumers and producers diverge in terms of price levels - with many in the US still convinced it is their oil that is under the Saudi desert - both have an interest in price stability. That is not the case for trading intermediaries - the middlemen - and particularly not for the investment banks that thrive on volatility and opacity, and for whom the only bad news is no news at all.

So, like a roll-on, roll-off ferry sailing in calm waters with water swilling about the car deck, I believe that the oil market will continue in a state of unstable equilibrium until it hits the next wave - which could be at any time - and the ferry overturns.

The current market architecture is fundamentally dysfunctional, and in my view a new settlement is both possible, and long overdue.

Tuesday, January 12, 2010

Nonsense, Peak Oil, and Oil Prices

Nonsense, Peak Oil, and Oil Prices....?

Peak Oil: By Seth Myers

After the oil price collapse of 2008, the subsequent rise to $80 this year convinced many that people that oil traders were anticipating a tight oil market with the economic recovery. Meanwhile, others felt that speculators were reacting to financial factors like the weak dollar rather than market fundamentals. The former were very much encouraged by the many advocates of “peak oil” who perceived a long chain of negative news and predictions as heralding the end of the oil age.

Here’s the reality: we are nowhere close to the end of the oil age. A careful examination of the facts shows that most arguments about peak oil are based on anecdotal information, vague references and ignorance of how the oil industry goes about finding fields and extracting petroleum. In fact, today’s oil market is similar to what we saw back in the 1980s, which saw an oil price spike, followed by a price collapse that persisted for years.

Let’s consider the arguments of the peak oil promoters. The more alarmist of these people claim that oil production peaked sometime in the past few years, and that helps explain the triple-digit prices that occurred last year. But blaming peak oil for the price spike requires two rather extraordinary beliefs. One is that the May 2005 peak in crude-plus-condensate production is irreversible, even though such peaks have occurred in the past. The other is that last year’s 3-million-barrel-per-day reduction in OPEC production was due to a decline in OPEC capacity that just coincidentally happened as prices were collapsing and OPEC reduced quotas by 3.5 MMbbl/d.

The recent round of warnings began in the 1990s, when some geologists used so-called Hubbert curves to estimate resources and predict production around the world. This resembles the fallacy many economists fall prey to, namely believing the model over reality. Hubbert curves are not the norm in the real world, nor have they successfully predicted production except in rare cases. In 1980, Hubbert himself used the curve to estimate remaining US gas resources at 270 to 400 trillion cubic feet; US gas production since 1980 has totaled 500 Tcf, and gas reserves have increased.

Most (but not all) peak oil advocates have abandoned this theory, along with the corollary that a peak in production represents the point at which half of the resource has been produced. Since many countries have had multiple peaks, this is obviously false. Instead, these analysts rely on estimates of resources using creaming curves, made up of discovered fields by size, which tend to flatten out as an area is depleted.

Unfortunately, in doing so, two shortcomings have been ignored. First, field size estimates are not fixed, but tend to grow over time as better recovery methods are applied and new investment adds to oil-in-place. Peak oil advocates argue that new methods do not improve recovery, pointing to occasional field examples to support their claim, despite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary. Again, reality trumps models.

Additionally, creaming curves are only reliable if there are no serious constraints on drilling. Witness the interpretation (by Jean Laherrere) of the sharp drop-off in field size in the Middle East as evidence of resource scarcity in the region, when in fact it merely represents the shift in drilling after 1980 from the major countries (Iran, Iraq, etc.) to Oman, Syria and Yemen. Policy, not geology, is the explanation.

Finally, there are the recent efforts to predict production by categorizing fields and/or countries into rising, plateau or declining categories. Like other efforts, this ignores all variables (politics, economics, infrastructure, technology) in favor of a time-element, presumed to represent geology. Again, this flies in the face of the historical data, where many countries have seen production decline, only to recover upon tax reduction, the welcoming of new foreign investment, or by the simple expedient of investing more money.

And the emphasis on depletion rates, found to be increasing lately, raises a valid concern but is lacking. While new technologies allow fields to be produced more quickly, this is an input rather than an output. Drilling more wells will offset that decline rate, as witness countries like Iran, said to have an 8% depletion rate, yet whose production has not fallen—until its quota was reduced last year. Differential levels of investment explain why some countries’ production is stable or rising rather than falling, and the countries whose production is falling are often those that have a xenophobic or confiscatory investment environment.

Moving beyond the data which peak oil advocates emphasize, there is ample evidence that the petroleum resource remains abundant. In the 1990s, it was correctly noted by some peak oil advocates that there was a rough consensus (reached in the 1970s) that the recoverable petroleum resource (not the total, or in-ground, resource) was about 2 trillion barrels. Since then, however, most analysts have produced estimates of around 3.5 trillion barrels of recoverable petroleum. With a global recovery rate of about 35%, this implies approximately 10 trillion barrels of oil in place. (I personally consider that conservative, based on experience with resource estimates.) And this is conventional oil, with easily that much unconventional, mostly shale, oil around. The sky may not be the limit for production, but clearly there is no resource constraint.

Certainly, resource nationalism is a concern, since it forces the industry to exploit more expensive resources than otherwise, but it is also two-edged knife. Recall that the last major price collapse, in 1998, followed the decision by the Venezuelan government to reform its upstream sector, leading to an increase of 1 MMbbl/d in six years, mostly conventional oil. There are a number of countries that have the potential to increase production by significant amounts in the next few years, including non-OPEC countries like Brazil, Mexico, and Russia, as well as many small countries that are likely to reverse their recent declines and raise production, implying that the peak is nowhere in sight.

And while some analysts, such as CERA and Total, argue that they can’t see production rising for more than another decade or two, this is more an acceptance of the limits of their foreknowledge: we can’t see where new automobile capacity will come from in two decades, but that doesn’t mean production will peak.

The current market resembles that of the early 1980s, when, after a peak, prices moderated somewhat. Analysts warned that weak oil demand was due to slow economic growth, not conservation, and non-OPEC costs were much too high to allow any significant new supplies to come on line. As late as 1985, when OPEC production had dropped by nearly 50% in five years, almost no one anticipated the subsequent price collapse. This time around, many in the industry are more wary of predictions of tightening markets, but the likelihood of much lower prices in the next five years will almost certainly mean another major round of industry consolidation.

Michael Lynch, the former director for Asian energy and security at the Center for International Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, is an energy consultant.

Doubts about Nabucco linger on



Doubts about Nabucco linger on


On December 12 President Berdymukhamedov of Turkmenistan and President Hu Jintao of China inaugurated the first flows of gas through the Chinese pipeline from Turmenistan to China. This is an 1800 km pipeline to transport up to 40 bcm/y of gas from the Bagtyarlyk territory on the right bank of the Amudarya River to the Chinese Province of Xinjiang. It runs through Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan – where it can eventually gather additional gas – feeding onto China’s west-east pipeline system. The gas will come initially from five fields developed or upgraded by CNPC. The first indication of this Chinese intent was a deal with Kazakhstan in 2003, followed by negotiations below the horizon with both Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Basically 6 years from opening the talks to opening the pipe. It helps to have a single national company from well-head to the market.

Talks with Azerbaijan about flows of its gas towards Europe and eventually Turkmen gas have been ongoing for over 15 years. Many really thought Iranian gas would feed the pipe, and maybe it will, but not for some time. Nabucco came along early in that period (2004) after Austria decided it could well provide a hub for FSU imports and OMV began scouting the market for other interested partners. The interest was not long in developing, but it tended to be more among governments with geopolitical agendas than among companies with gas agendas. Ministers would meet and discuss, while the private sector prevaricated and simply wasn’t ready to buy Azeri gas. In the meantime, Austria has sold half of its Baumgarten hub to the Russians.

Some say the opening of the China-Turkmen pipeline spells the end of Nabucco, as if Turkmenistan holds the final piece of the Nabucco puzzle. Nothing could be further from the truth. If Nabucco has degenerated into endless talk it is because problems on the west side of the Caspian are unresolved. European gas interests are still not sure they want the gas, Turkey continues to play hard to transit, Azerbaijan plays its hand cautiously with a wary eye on its Russian neighbor and important difficult-to-resolve regional tensions are adding their own complications. If all this isn’t enough, some suggest that the August agreement on South Stream spells the end for Nabucco. Here again, this is far from the truth. South Stream is a rhetorical pipeline designed to frustrate Southern Corridor gas – in particular Nabucco. South Stream would cost too much, replicate transport capacity, not deliver Caspian gas anyway and has no other identifiable source of gas to fill it – it won’t happen.

Elsewhere, the US is producing 70-80 bcm of unconventional shale gas per year, thereby not needing roughly the same amount that it would have taken from world LNG markets. This, combined with a surge in global LNG liquefaction just now, means that LNG will be available at considerably lower prices than European contract gas or even Azeri net-back gas for some time. The take-or-pay clauses between Gazprom and European gas companies look particularly onerous just now. Add to that the temporary slump in demand due to the economic recession. As a consequence, new pipelines are not seen to be as crucial to Europe’s energy security as they once seemed. So while China ramps up its imports of Turkmen gas over the next months, a European link to Caspian gas through Turkey looks set to slip considerably further into the future. And while Turkey may continue to hope in can leverage other political and commercial objectives through its transit negotiations, its lever is probably getting shorter.

Whatever, there is room for confidence that Nabucco will continue to dominate the conferences and workshop of the Caspian chattering class - but will it ever be built?

Monday, January 11, 2010

Balochistan cancels $3.5bn copper mine contract

http://dailybalochistanexpress.com/archive_news/16122010/express/news/news10.htm


Balochistan cancels $3.5bn copper mine contract.....

Local authorities in Pakistan have canceled an agreement with an Australian company for the exploration of copper and gold in the Reko Diq area in southwestern Balochistan province at a time when a feasibility study for the project was near completion.

Australia's Tethyan Copper Company (TCC), a joint venture between Canada's Barrick Gold and Chile's Antofagasta Plc, had an exploration license for the copper mine at Reko Diq, which has an estimated four billion tonnes of low-grade copper and gold, in the district of Chagai.

Last month, when the Balochistan government passed a motion to terminate the contract with TCC, it called the move a step towards getting control over provincial resources in accordance with the wishes of the people. Critics said the local government's action was politically motivated to appease Baloch nationalists in the desperately poor and insurgency-hit province, who have been demanding the cancelation of the agreement.

The deal was signed under the government of former president Pervez Musharraf. The present central coalition government led by the Pakistan People's Party is trying to end the insurgency and recently presented a "Balochistan Package", which recommends a series of constitutional reforms, economic measures and administrative steps to assuage the feelings of the Baloch people.

Balochistan chief minister Nawab Aslam Raisani said TCC had violated its contract, which had been signed only for exploring for minerals, according to the Dawn newspaper. The federal government had not yet sought any explanation from the Balochistan government over the cancellation of deal, the report cited Raisani as saying. The provincial cabinet decision relates to the termination of the exploration contract after it expired, while the fate of the company's proposal for a mining agreement is yet to be decided, according to the chief minister.

Tethyan, which had a 75% interest in the project, allegedly introduced unnecessary delays and exceeded the limits of the contract, which was awarded only for drilling purposes. The provincial government, which has decided not to lease out the land to TCC for further work, is believed to be looking for other investors and technical expertise to manage the project indigenously.

TCC sees the contract cancelation as a violation of internationally accepted exploration rules, under which the exploration company gets the first rights to mining in the project area, as no mining firm can invest billions of dollars only in exploration.

The United States has urged the central and provincial governments to stand behind their agreements with international companies, as the cancelation of the Reko Diq copper contract, involving two major international mining firms threatens to cost the country a loss of US$3.5 billion in investment for one of its least developed regions.

"Multinational corporations will not invest in a country where deals are canceled," a Business Recorder report last Thursday quoted the US ambassador to Pakistan, Anne Patterson, as saying.

Some analysts believe the Reko Diq mine may now be developed with the help of China, which is engaged in extracting copper from the Saindak mine in the same district. They also warn that the government should learn from its experience at Saindak. Metallurgical Corp of China (MCC), which acquired Saindak on a 10-year lease in September 2002, is overmining in the area at the cost of the mine's estimated life of 19 years, say local experts. They also point out that copper extraction creates various toxic wastes, but there is still no reliable data available on the production and environmental impact at Saindak.

Reko Diq, with an estimated life span of more than 50 years, is four times larger in copper ore tonnage than Saindak.

The provincial government has handed over affairs of the Reko Diq project to the provincial department of mines and mineral development, which has acquired the services of Samar Mubarakmand, an eminent Pakistani nuclear scientist.

TCC has been criticized for selling its interests to Antofagasta and Barrick without the permission of the Balochistan government, which holds the remaining 25% interest. Barrick's share price in New York has declined from a one-year high of just below $48 on December 1 to $41.43 last week, after recovering from about $38 on December 17. Antofagasta is trading at 1,024 pence in London, close to its one-year high and more than double its price of a year ago.

Analysts also question why, if the provincial government had some grievance against TCC's operations, it did not react earlier when the company declared in July that it would invest $3 billion in the project in the current fiscal year, which ends in June.

The cancelation is "a non-routine solution", said Sardar Shaukat Popalzai, president of the Balochistan Economic Forum, according to The Nation daily newspaper. The relevant departments and political leadership should not take unwarranted decisions after projects are considered and then initiated after all clearances are granted on their merits, he said. Popalzai has reportedly suggested that a provincial assembly committee, along with a sub-committee consisting of local stakeholders, including the investors, should be formed to remove all irritants.

TCC itself has "not yet received any cancelation notice for the Reko Diq project from the government", Samia Ali Shah, the company's public relations manager, told Asia Times Online. "We will decide our strategy as soon as we receive notification from the Balochistan government."

She said, "Tethyan is currently undertaking a feasibility study, which is in its final stages, for development of the Reko Diq mine."

Feasibility studies include engineering analysis and studies of infrastructure alternatives involving the likes of rail, road, power, port and water supplies and overall technical and economical viability. "The environmental and social impact assessment [ESIA] of the project is also expected to finish at the end of the first quarter of this calendar year."

The Balochistan government first signed a contract for the Reko Diq exploration area with BHP Minerals in July 1993 and established a joint venture with BHP Billiton in June 2000, with the government keeping a 25% interest against BHP's 75%. TCC, which holds an alliance with BHP Billiton, raised funds for the project by floating its shares on the Australian Stock Exchange and planned to start the project in 2003 with an investment of $130 million.

Samia said her company was responsible for progress made since 2006, when Antofagasta and Barrick Gold took complete control of TCC, which is now a joint-venture company.

She said, "We have so far made significant progress. We had only 50 people as employees of the project in 2006 when Barrick Gold and Antofagasta took over the project. The number of our permanent employees presently exceeds 200.

"We spent $100 million, including expenditures on the feasibility study in 2008. An additional 146,000 meters were drilled last year and showed significantly large resource estimates at Reko Diq. The infrastructure developed at the exploration and feasibility stage of the project includes an airstrip and high-standard camp site facilities."

Samia said a large part of the promised investment of $3 billion would start coming as soon as the project entered the construction phase, after completion of the feasibility report and signing of agreements with the government.

Balochistan, the country's least-developed province but a prospective metaphorical and literal gold mine for companies eyeing its untapped mineral reserves and hydrocarbon resources, direly needs foreign investment to create jobs, develop communities and boost revenues.

The district of Chagai is one of the most backward and least-developed areas in Balochistan. It lacks healthcare facilities and has a poor educational infrastructure. The human development indicators in the district are among the most challenging in the country. With no infrastructure, no proper road network and no industry, the people of the Chagai desert lack almost any employment opportunities.

TCC has spent $1.5 million to date on initiatives such as training local people, local procurement, a school house, a health clinic, teacher training, and humanitarian aid for natural disasters like floods and earthquakes in Balochistan. The company also provides training to the local women in tailoring skills to establish local businesses to supply TCC uniforms.

Samia said, "We plan extensive training and capacity building programs to prepare local people for work within the Reko Diq project. We see our role as a catalyst for economic and social development of the communities we operate in."

The first batch of TCC employees, 80% from the province and about 76% of them from Chagai, has already been sent to the Descon Institute in Lahore for training.

Sunday, January 10, 2010

The Future of Global Oil Supply:

http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/ww3/100405_petrocollapse_speech.shtml

http://www.cera.com/aspx/cda/client/report/report.aspx?KID=5&CID=10720


Understanding the Building Blocks

by Peter Jackson, Senior Director, IHS Cambridge Energy Research Associates

Context: Predicting Supply in a Complex World

Fears about "running out" of oil are recurrent. At their strongest, they coincide with periods of high prices and tight supply-demand balance. The latest such period of "peak oil" concerns became very evident from 2004, when strong oil demand ran up against capacity constraints. In contrast, IHS CERA’s reference case for global liquid productive capacity shows growth through 2030 to around 115 million barrels per day (mbd) and finds no evidence of a peak in supply appearing before that time.

Hydrocarbon liquids—crude oil, condensate, extra heavy oil, and natural gas liquids—are a finite resource; but based on recent trends in exploration and appraisal activity, there should be more than an adequate inventory of physical resources available to increase supply to meet anticipated levels of demand in this time frame. Post-2030 supply may well struggle to meet demand, but an undulating plateau rather than a dramatic peak will likely unfold. Moreover, if the "peak demand" now evident in the OECD countries is a precursor of later developments in the emerging markets, world demand itself could eventually move on to a different course.

In the short term the industry is at another crossroads following the precipitous fall in demand in 2008–09 in response to the onset of the recession. The oil price has roughly halved from its peak of $147 per barrel in July 2008, OPEC has recently cut production, OPEC spare capacity has nearly tripled to 6.4 mbd, and the industry has slowed its pace of expansion. Early in 2009 IHS CERA estimated that as much as 7.5 mbd of new productive capacity could be at risk by 2014 if costs remained high and oil prices hovered just below the cost of the marginal barrel for two years. Since then the oil price has recovered strongly to around $70–$80 per barrel, and some confidence has returned. Even in these unpredictable times the industry has continued to invest and to build new productive capacity; indeed, Saudi Arabia recently brought onstream the giant Khurais field, which at plateau is expected to produce 1.2 mbd. With sustained investment, a healthy cushion of spare capacity, and slow to moderate post-recession economic growth, supply should not present major problems, at least in terms of availability, in the short term.

Of course looking further ahead, it is important to recognize that oil is a finite resource and that at some stage supply could fail to meet demand on a consistent basis. It is impossible to be precise about the timing of this event, but given the pace at which demand has increased in the past decade a pivot point may well be reached before the middle of this century. Much depends on key factors such as global economic growth, the capability of the upstream industry, costs, government policies on access and taxation, the evolution of renewable and alternative energy sources—particularly for transportation—and the effect of climate change issues on policies and regulations concerning the use of fossil fuels. However, there is time to prepare and to make rational decisions to avoid being forced into short-term approaches that may not resolve longer-term problems.

Many studies of future oil supply examine subsurface issues and focus in particular on the scale of the resource while giving limited consideration to technology, economics, and geopolitics. Though belowground factors are critical, it is aboveground factors that will dictate the ultimate shape of the supply curve.

This IHS CERA Report presents the main points in our current productive capacity outlook to 2030 and discusses the architecture of future conventional and unconventional oil supply. In order to provide a framework, the methodology and foundations of the outlook are reviewed and the results of supporting studies on decline rates and giant fields are included.

In so doing, this report addresses the debate over "peak oil." There is much emotion involved in that debate. In our view much would be gained by lowering the emotional level and instead shifting to a more objective dialogue, based on a comparative view of data, methodology, and analyses. Our hope is that this paper can contribute to such a discussion and exchange. Our further hope is that out of such a dialogue will come a deeper understanding of the world’s oil supply in the decades ahead—a question crucial to the world’s overall future.

There are many areas of overlap between IHS CERA’s view of future oil supply and other outlooks. Oil is a finite resource, and at some stage supply will begin to fall short of meeting demand on a consistent basis if there is no break in the connection between economic growth and oil demand. The basic differences in opinion appear to center on when this will happen and on what happens after the inflection point. The view that oil supply will plummet after the inflection point and oil will run out, like the gasoline in an automobile, is misleading for the layperson.

IHS CERA believes that this inflection point will herald the beginning of an undulating plateau of supply that will last for perhaps two decades before a long, slow decline sets in (see Figure 3). It represents a transition period when traditional market forces and government policy will be unable to adjust supply to meet growing demand and limits are reached. Of course the path of demand will exert a controlling influence on the future supply curve. Peak demand is an equally important concept that may well be viewed in hindsight, from the perspective of a half century from now, as the main driver of peak supply.

But one further important point: Though a peak of global oil production is not imminent, there are major hurdles aboveground to negotiate.

Methodology: Defining the Yardsticks

Let us begin with the methodology with which we approach these questions.

Productive capacity is defined as the maximum sustainable level at which liquids can be produced and delivered to market. Productive capacity estimates account for routine maintenance, but not for general operational inefficiency, temporary interruptions such as weather or labor strikes, nor for dramatic swings in political and economic factors. For example, a field may have a productive capacity of 140,000 barrels per day (bd) but in reality produce 130,000 bd on average over a year because of unforeseen maintenance issues, regulatory inspections, rig movements, and tie-ins.

At the core of IHS CERA’s methodology is recent production history, which is considered the most reliable data available on which to base a supply projection. We can measure the barrels arriving at the surface over time. Future production trends are extrapolated using a comprehensive framework of decline rates and knowledge of operational plans for individual projects and fields. Remaining reserve data are an important constraint on the future supply profiles but—given the uncertainties in reserves estimation—can be used only as a broad guideline of future supply.

Four key components of supply are included in the outlook (see Figure 1):

fields in production (FIP)

fields under development (FUD)

fields under appraisal (FUA)

yet-to-find (YTF) resources

IHS CERA has fully incorporated the data from the IHS International Field and Well Data database so that there are approximately 24,000 fields and discoveries underpinning the outlook. In addition, we have conducted detailed analysis of field production characteristics, especially decline rates, which have been incorporated at the field and project levels.

A detailed database of approximately 450 OPEC and non-OPEC FUD provides a clear insight into the immediate plans of the industry to execute new projects ranging individually up to 1.2 mbd at production plateau. YTF resources are estimated by extrapolating historical activity and success rate data and making assumptions about future levels of activity in key countries. We have recently compiled historical exploration data from the IHS International Field and Well Data database on well count, success rate, and discovery sizes for each country, which has improved the YTF analysis.

In this activity-based model we take account of project efficiency, costs, timing, hardware availability, and our detailed oil price outlook. We adopt a holistic portfolio perspective to evaluate global productive capacity. Although it is clear that some giant fields such as Mexico’s Canterell are now strongly in decline following a successful secondary production program, and many countries are past their "peak," the sum of the parts as we currently see them show that global productive capacity should be able to grow for at least the next two decades.

Why So Much Variation Among Published Outlooks?

The long and complex debate about the future of global oil supply is characterized by two overriding characteristics: the very large range of potential outcomes projected and sustained disagreement about "the answer."

Production volumes are closely related to reserves, rock physics, and investment. Publicly available data tend to be limited and of variable quality. A wide range of methodologies have been applied to the problem, from those encompassing systematic analysis and careful assumptions to less robust techniques such as Hubbert’s method, which can provide a good approximation in certain circumstances but fall down especially where government policy constrains production. Importantly, Hubbert’s approach, developed in the 1950s when technology was stagnating, also fails to account for fluctuations in demand, technology advances, and the discovery of new hydrocarbon plays. Additionally different studies are based on variable views on reserves/resources, field production performance, future exploration, technology, and commercial issues. Few have attempted to incorporate the impact of aboveground factors such as demand and geopolitics.

Some models are based on a very pessimistic view of the future, which is not borne out by scrutiny of recent trends in exploration and production. For example, frequent claims—that "half of global oil reserves have been produced," "global reserves are not being replaced on an annual basis," and "deepwater exploration is essentially exhausted"—are questionable. The recent discoveries of ten giant oil fields below a thick salt layer in the Santos Basin, Brazil, may have boosted global resources by at least 25 billion barrels. Further assertions that giant oil fields are past their prime simply are not borne out in a recent detailed study of 548 giant oil fields in the IHS CERA Private Report Giant Fields: Providing the Foundation for Oil Supply Now and in the Future? This study demonstrates these fields’ continuing strong contribution to global supply and that some 76 giant fields, representing 84 billion barrels, remain undeveloped. Fields in general and giant fields in particular still show considerable potential for reserves upgrades, as illustrated in many studies.

IHS CERA’s 2009 Supply Outlook: "Pausing for Breath"

In our most recent reference case outlook, global productive capacity is expected to average approximately 92 mbd in 2009 and to rise to 115 mbd by 2030. This is a lower rate of growth than we have projected in the past and reflects the reaction of the oil industry to recent changing market forces. This is just one version of many possible outcomes, and we use it in this report to illustrate the architecture of supply and the nature and scale of the problem. This reference case provides a view of the building blocks of future supply in terms of FIP, FUD, FUA, and YTF as well as "Others," the category of unconventional liquids that include extra heavy oil, biofuels, coal-to-liquids/gas-to-liquids, and natural gas liquids. With aggregate decline rates of around 4.5 percent per year, FIP provide a diminishing proportion of the total future capacity. But in terms of the conventional oil asset life cycle, exploration replenishes the appraisal project inventory, which feeds into sanctioned development projects and ultimately producing fields. Figure 1 is a snapshot of a very dynamic system.

This summary does not show evidence of a peak in oil productive capacity before 2030. However, it does emphasize the importance of future exploration and the role of unconventional liquids in generating growth in the future. IHS CERA believes that unconventional liquids already contribute around 14 percent of total global capacity, and we expect this share to grow to 23 percent by 2030. The contribution of exploration is emerging as one of the key uncertainties and is the subject of current IHS CERA research.

This model assumes that

The oil price stays above the cost of the marginal barrel for most of the period to 2030.

There are adequate existing and future resources to support these sustained volumes of higher capacity.

The industry can build the hardware and develop the technical capability to implement investment programs.

What Are the Challenges to Producing a Robust Outlook?

Predicting future productive capacity hinges on an in-depth understanding of a complex multicomponent system, which is driven by the interplay of both aboveground and belowground factors. It is not realistic to treat the global oil endowment as if it were simply in a tank being emptied. IHS CERA’s experience of evaluating productive capacity over two decades suggests that there are no unique answers, a point reinforced by the wide variety of published outlooks noted above.

As part of our ongoing research program IHS CERA has concentrated on a number of factors that will strongly influence future supply:

Data. The IHS CERA reference case outlook is based largely on the IHS International Field and Well Data, and North American databases, which are arguably the most comprehensive available upstream data sets available. A reliable and comprehensive database is critical to any credible projection—but the complexity of the analysis requires making some significant assumptions. IHS CERA has critically tested many of these assumptions by studying some of the key questions relating to historical exploration trends, resource replacement, and oil field performance.
But even a perfect data set would generate a range of possible outcomes in modeling because of the complexity of the problem. The debate about future supply and data has tended to focus on subsurface technical data, especially reserves data. But there is a wide range of sources related to aboveground drivers that is also crucial in assessing country-specific economic data and projections—which drive supply—as well as rig count, yard space, and service sector capability.

Reserves. To date, the analytical core of this debate appears to have hinged on knowledge of field and global reserves. Oil and gas reserves are defined as the volumes that will be commercially recovered in the future. Hydrocarbons are trapped in reservoirs underground and cannot be physically audited or inspected, so estimates are based on the evaluation of data that provide indirect evidence of the scale of the reserve base. The Society of Petroleum Engineers (SPE) has produced a detailed set of six categories of reserves and contingent resources and three categories of undiscovered prospective resources. These reserves estimates entail large degrees of uncertainty, and a great deal of experience and judgment are required in performing the calculations.

Given the complexity of the calculations there are no unique answers at the individual field or global levels, and we still do not know exactly how much has been discovered or what remains to be found, despite any claims to the contrary. Current estimates can only be considered as orders of magnitude. The questionable use of resource estimates is well illustrated by Hubbert’s (1982) approach, which suggests that a peak of production occurs when half of the global inventory of supply has been produced. This seems plausible initially, given that some 1.1 trillion barrels of oil has been produced to date and there are apparently some 1.2 trillion barrels remaining to be produced. But that is appearances. What this approach does not make clear is that this analysis is based on "proven plus probable conventional reserves" alone, which amounts to 2.3 trillion barrels. It ignores all the remaining categories of conventional and unconventional reserves and resources (including possible, contingent, and prospective reserves), defined by the SPE, which could ultimately contribute at least as much again. IHS CERA estimates that global resources could be approximately 4.8 trillion barrels, including just over 1.1 trillion barrels of cumulative production to date.

It is clear that we are dealing with a finite resource, but more consistency in reserves reporting and further systematic studies are needed, such as the United States Geological Survey (2000) study of global YTF resources, to improve the quality of the numbers. Remaining reserves data are an important constraint on the future supply analysis—but given the uncertainties this can be used only as a broad guideline. Existing resource estimates have a habit of being increased as fields are upgraded and new plays are established.

Decline rates and field performance. At the core of IHS CERA’s productive capacity model is an extrapolation of historical production data into the future. We have completed a study of over 1,000 fields to understand the characteristics of field production through the buildup, plateau, and decline phases. Central to this analysis is an attempt to estimate typical decline rates for a range of field sizes and types in different geological and geographic environments. Information from relatively mature, data-rich areas such as the North Sea and Norway suggested that decline rates were well above an alarming 10 percent on an individual field basis, so it was important to complete this study to develop a more accurate and representative picture around the world.

In the discussion there often seems to be a confusion betweendepletion and decline. All oil fields start to deplete the day production begins, but not all fields have production in decline. Oil field production only starts to decline after the plateau period of production has ended. From our 1,000 field study database only 40 percent of production comes from fields in decline, suggesting, perhaps surprisingly, that a significant proportion of all production comes from fields building up or on plateau. This striking point often seems to be lost in the discussion. This study showed that the average decline rate for fields that were actually in the decline phase was 7.5 percent, but this number falls to 6.1 percent when the numbers are production weighted. The numbers were subsequently corroborated by the IEA (2008). Importantly, the global aggregate decline rate of all fields currently in production (which includes fields building up and on plateau) works out to be around 4.5 percent. It is anticipated that aggregate decline rates might increase slowly with time and also that ultimate recovery will continue to increase medium term.

Giant fields are still the cornerstone of global production. Some 548 giant oil fields contribute 61 percent of the total; and although production from the giants has risen, that proportion has remained steady in recent years. Recent IHS CERA research on giant oil fields shows that collectively the giant fields are not in decline and that some 60 percent of their recoverable oil remains to be produced. The number of giant field discoveries has declined in recent years, but their contribution seems unlikely to plummet in the near term.

Costs and capability. The IHS CERA Upstream Capital Costs Index (UCCI) is a combination of a set of indexes used to monitor the current state of the global upstream cost environment. Set at 100 in 2000, it more than doubled by the end of 2008 (230). This means that oil companies were essentially spending twice as much to undertake the same amount of work as in 2000. By the end of September 2009 the UCCI declined to 202, putting costs back to early 2007 levels; and although oil prices recently fell back to 2004 levels, cost reductions are projected to drop only gradually over the next six months. Some service sectors, such as the deepwater rig market, will sustain a high pricing structure because of the sustained demand; others, such as jackup rig markets, have softened and may continue to do so.

One critical factor for future oil output is people. Current upstream sector demographics are such that a large proportion of experienced professionals will retire in the next ten years. The industry has acknowledged this for a number of years and has taken steps to hire and train a new generation of experts, but this may be too little too late. In the current downturn the industry is again in danger of further erosion of its skills base. The service sector in particular is under pressure from operating companies to reduce costs, and this means rationalizations of staff, which will seriously restrict the capability of the service sector in the future.

Other aboveground factors. One key driver of the future supply outlook, rarely considered, is the ability of OPEC countries to control production. In most non-OPEC countries exploitation has progressed without much constraint. This means that for many non-OPEC countries, especially those with modest reserves, production has already peaked. While non-OPEC production capacity still has the potential to grow, it always produces at the limits of its productive capability with limited flexibility. On the other hand, with its vast resource base, much of it undeveloped, OPEC has controlled investment and production, depending on market conditions. Many OPEC countries have specific policies that control the pace of exploitation for future generations. Also many national oil companies have a different approach to oil field exploitation that focuses on optimizing long-term recovery. Extrapolating the impact of current OPEC investment and policy on future supply does not support a short- to medium-term shortage of oil.

Any outlook can present only one potential version of the future. IHS CERA uses a reference case production capacity outlook to generate three scenarios for future production—Asian Phoenix, Break Point, and Global Fissures—that enable an understanding of the range of possible drivers of future supply and describe three feasible outcomes. Recent oil price volatility has further reinforced the point that the future is highly uncertain and a range of outcomes should be considered.

The Big Picture

It would be easy to interpret the following market and oil price events from 2003 through 2008 in isolation to support the belief that a peak in global supply has passed or is imminent:

oil price spike to $147 per barrel in July 2008

tight supply-demand balance of around 2.5 mbd through mid-2008

considerable decline in global production to around 83 mbd

However, these events are linked to an array of political and economic factors, including a global boom, "the rise of the emerging markets," financial market impact, and constraints on "catching-up" in developing new capacity. They do not herald the onset of a peak and at the simplest level illustrate that the market continues to act as the shock absorber of major volatility. Supply continues to respond to prices (conditioned by expectations of future demand), and simultaneously demand responds to prices.

Improved data availability and transparency could help to produce more accurate outlooks for future capacity—but even this will not provide unique, reliable answers. Subsurface data on reserve levels and decline rates are only a part of the story. Some of the major aboveground factors that will continue to affect what actually happens to output are listed below. Both their importance and the range of possible outcomes inherent in them are evident:

future course of the global economy

government policies and decisionmaking in resource-holding countries

balance and impact of the complex web of geopolitics

future course of oil prices

course of government policies that focus on controlling demand

development of renewable energy sources and climate change issues

Many projections, including those based on the methodology of Hubbert, fail to account for the impact of economics, technology, or geopolitics,while others concentrate on conventional oil alone and fail to account for the growing proportion of unconventional oil being developed and produced. One is struck by the conviction, in each period, that technology has gone "about as far as it can go."

IHS CERA tackled this issue by developing a possible range of outcomes through plausible scenarios for the future of global energy. Even this comprehensive study—completed in 2006—does not present a unique base case projection, but rather develops the three scenarios noted above—Asian Phoenix, Global Fissures, and Break Point—extending to 2030. Indeed elements of these scenarios have played out during the past three years.

The Break Point scenario, developed in 2006, envisaged that oil prices would reach $150 per barrel. It demonstrated the importance of the feedback loops. In this scenario high prices and fear of shortage have a strong price response and policy response. The results include a shift by consumers and automakers, and programs to enhance energy efficiency and accelerate growth of alternative fuels, and oil loses its monopoly on transportation.

Global Fissures envisions a deep recession. A widespread political backlash against free trade and globalization, combined with global trade and political disputes, lowers economic growth and weakens energy prices. One of the triggers is a hard landing of the US economy, owing to the overhang of debt in housing and other sectors. Global Fissures reflects the current global climate most closely.

Looking ahead, we can see that the upstream industry faces many challenges. There is little doubt that the existing and possible future resource base can support growth in capacity through 2030. There is no shortage of new projects or exploration potential to replenish the hopper. Exploration and field upgrades have tended to replace global production in recent years. Exploration is not yet in terminal decline, and while recently some 12 billion barrels of oil has been discovered annually, the five-year moving average is actually growing (see Figure 2).

The longer-term problem lies not belowground, but in obtaining the investment and resources that the industry will need to grow supply significantly from current levels. Both OPEC and non-OPEC countries have a strong current inventory of some 450 projects under development. The recent fall in oil prices has precipitated a slowdown in the rate at which projects are being sanctioned and developed—but this temporary situation will ease when the global economy starts to recover. The projected medium-term slowdown in the rate of supply growth is a simple function of economics rather than evidence of an imminent peak.

Yet there are a number of trends that cause concern. Non-OPEC growth has been worryingly anemic for five years, driven largely by slowing growth of productive capacity in Russia. Non-OPEC may well struggle to regain the annual growth levels greatly exceeding 500,000 bd that were common before 2004. OPEC countries will be a key element of future growth, but prolonged periods of low oil prices (below $60 per barrel) and abundant spare capacity of around 6.5 mbd might well start to inhibit long-term supply growth. But just over the horizon a period of strong economic growth could quickly reverse this trend.

However, structural changes currently occurring in the service sector in response to falling costs will pose a threat to future supply expansion. After nearly a decade of strong growth in response to increasing demand, some service sector companies are downsizing and restructuring, and this will affect the ability of the service sector to help bring on new supply at an appropriate pace when demand starts to recover.

While the current economic situation has driven a reduction in exploration and production investment, it has also coincidentally provided a supply cushion that will take some time to work its way back into the system. Companies continue to build new productive capacity, albeit at a slower rate than one year ago. Collectively this will provide a short-term cushion until the global economy starts to pick up again from 2010 onward. One can well envisage a scenario half a decade or so from now in which a period of strong demand growth again leads to a period of tight supply and higher prices as investment and capacity growth fail to keep up.

But this should not be confused with the inflection point (see Figure 3). Ultimately there will be an inflection point when sustained growth of productive capacity will cease. As already noted, one fundamental difference is the view of when it occurs—is it imminent or two decades or more away? The other difference is on the question of what happens after the inflection point. The idea that oil supply will collapse after the inflection point and that oil will run out of the "tank in the ground" confuses the public. In our view this inflection point will inaugurate a new era—the beginning of an undulating plateau of supply. That, in turn, will last for another two decades or so, before a long, slow decline sets in. Would that be in 2050 or 2060 or even 2070? Whenever, it would take us into still a third era—the start of a transition period when traditional market forces and government policy will be unable to adjust supply to meet growing demand and the real limits are reached.

But much will happen before then that will affect demand—from changes in the automobile engine and the electric battery to changes in demographics and values. That is why the concept of "peak demand" is so important. Ironically, it may come be viewed in retrospect as the main driver of peak supply. In that case what happens aboveground will have set the tempo for what happens belowground.